Barring a handful of leftists, the majority of political parties and people want Operation Green Hunt to continue.
PUCL and its American cousin ACLU - such liberal soft organizations are too much for citizens to digest. Civil liberties for killers !! They don't distinguish between a Terrorist, Naxlite and an ordinary criminal - believe that they will reform if captured live and put in jail.!!
Yesterday, Mr. Samuel Lakra blasted our "corrupt" COPs. From a TV footage, I noted that Naxal-hunting cops are out there to die and protect us, for a promised 20 Lakhs to their family, which many don't get; they get about 1/2 of that.
These COPs were not equipped with mine sweepers and were trusting their "eye".
Unlike Abharamic religions, we are nation of Wisdom and some one said - "Sathe Sathyem Samacharet".
The Government of India is going the right thing. Even Buddhadeba Bhattarchya appealed Center to hunt down the Naxals of West Bengal. These ignorant, arrogant and illiterate shitheads went far beyond our tolerance level and deserve to die.
That is why everyone speaks the flowing language of blood; in fact I personally want the to torture as well before PUCL activists and Dr. Binayk Sen if Chidambaram will permit me.
The Criminal Justice System is there for a reason. We are much wiser than Pakistan, who is fighting Taliban. I call upon Nandini Sundar to join our group and hate Naxlites.
Ask the people of SWAT valley of Pakistan whether they are better of now or were better of with Taliban !!
Thanks
Manoj Padhi
Why Everyone Speaks The Flowing Language Of Blood
After a long tyranny of neglect, the State speaks in wartime euphemisms
Nandini Sundar
Sri Lankan style operations against the Maoists in central India have
already begun. In fact, it isn't clear if they ever stopped after 2005,
when the Salwa Judum herded thousands of villagers into camps. The only
difference now is that war has been openly declared, in contrast to the
government's fiction of a "people's movement". The talk of using
airpower, even if in self-defence, is being accompanied by propaganda
blitzes, such as a home ministry ad containing gruesome photos of
people killed by the Maoists. Clearly meant to desensitise the public
to the civilian carnage that could follow a paramilitary sweep, the
ad's violent tone was also calculated to strike fear and signal the
government's seriousness in acting against the Maoists. As if on cue to
prove the government right, the Maoists committed their ghastly
beheading of Francis Induwar, a police officer. Faced with two
belligerent parties, what are ordinary citizens to do?
For one, intellectuals—despite that word being the latest swear word
for the government and media—must try and provide history and context
to the situation. The Union home minister is talking of a "clear and
hold" operation, after which he hopes to introduce development in the
region. What he does not explain is what prevented development for 62
years or what hinders it in areas where the Naxalites are not active.
Spending enormous resources on waging war rather than battling
hunger—especially in a drought year—shows the government's perverse
priorities.
In talking about regions in maoist control, the Prime Minister
& home minister never mention one crucial word—justice.
At a recent conference with director-generals of police, the prime
minister asked why Naxalism showed no signs of abating despite the
deployment of 'Cobras' and other paramilitaries. The crucial word that
neither the prime minister nor the home minister mention is "justice".
While the home ministry spends taxpayers' money calling Naxalites
"cold-blooded murderers", not a word is said about the hundreds of
victims, including children and old people, murdered by the security
forces and Salwa Judum vigilantes. These are citizens too, and their
deaths are equally horrific. But no newspaper carries photos of them,
no inquiry is held, their relatives get no compensation. Human rights
activists are repeatedly called upon to condemn the Maoists, even if
their statements are blacked out. However, I have yet to see one
instance when the home minister has acknowledged, leave alone
condemned, the increasing number of encounters faked by the police. You
cannot speak of violence by one side while remaining silent on the
other.
When people are attacked and see no hope from the state, who else
will they turn to but insurgents? If a rape victim complains to the SP
asking for an FIR to be filed, and his only response is to actually ask
the rapists for their explanation, what is she supposed to do? Such has
been the practice in Chhattisgarh for the past five years. It is this
which accounts for the massive growth (22 per cent by intelligence
estimates) in recruitment by the Maoists since Salwa Judum began.
When it comes to telling off Pakistan, both the prime minister and
home minister reject the autonomy of non-state actors, with the prime
minister noting that "it was the duty of their (Pakistani) government
to ensure that such acts were not perpetrated from their territory".
But in their own country, they support Salwa Judum vigilantism, despite
findings by statutory bodies like the National Human Rights Commission
(NHRC) and National Commission for the Protection of Child Rights that
the Salwa Judum and security forces have been responsible for
widespread arson, rape, forced disappearances, suspect encounters and
extra-judicial killings. The NHRC report on the Salwa Judum states that
"villagers were even killed (no criminal cases were, however, either
reported or registered). Though the State has taken action against spos
in some cases... these...do not pertain to the violence let loose on
innocent villagers during operations against Naxalites".
Of course, the NHRC also lost a golden opportunity to ensure
justice, and thereby peace, by allowing a biased police to whitewash
the truth. To cite just one example of the NHRC's investigation: the
death of Vanjam Mangu of Kotrapal. Villagers told the NHRC that he was
killed by the CRPF and Salwa Judum in 2005 after being brought to the
village. FIR 15/05 says he was a Naxalite killed in a police encounter.
The NHRC, on the other hand, "finds" on the basis of "police records"
and "Salwa Judum camp residents" that he was killed by Naxalites
because his relatives had accepted government compensation (which is
available only to victims of Naxalites and not to victims of Salwa
Judum). It did not go into the basic discrepancies and ask how, in
police records, he could be both a Naxalite and a person killed by
Naxalites, or question how selective compensation was influencing the
truth.
In 'Operation Green Hunt', which took place in September 2005, despite the then DGP claiming (Hitavada,
September 6, 2005) that 10 armed Maoists were killed in an encounter on
September 2, FIRs registering it as a case of villagers from Hariyal
Cherli being killed in police-Naxalite crossfire, and relatives saying
they were all innocent villagers who were lined up and shot by the Naga
battalion while fleeing a Salwa Judum attack, the NHRC has concluded
that eight of them were killed by Naxalites.
The current 'Operation Green Hunt'
is equally suspect. A fact-finding by PUCL, PUDR and the Vanvasi Chetna
Ashram has found that at least seven innocent adivasis were killed from
Gachanpalli and Palachelma villages on September 17. The encounter in
which security personnel died took place elsewhere. Another round of
eight civilian killings took place on October 1 in village Gondpad, in
which several young boys were picked up from Mukudtong and other
villages, and several houses were burnt. While journalists in Dantewada
have always been a threatened lot, the West Bengal government has done
even better by sending policemen posing as journalists to arrest
Chhatradhar Mahato. Not only do such strategies put all journalists
working in combat zones at risk, they ensure that it is the insurgents
who pre-emptively shut off access to the media. Democracy cannot work
without a free flow of independently verifiable information from all
sides.
When the home minister says that the Maoists are "the gravest
challenge to our way of life", he must clarify which "way of life" he
means—the right of ministers to live in five star hotels while 50 per
cent of Indians are below the poverty line in terms of calorie intake,
the right of companies to fraudulently and forcibly acquire land, the
right of farmers to commit suicide? If "our" way of life depends on
exploiting the resources that the adivasis of Chhattisgarh live on,
taking their lives falls perfectly into place. For many years, the
Naxalite movement was seen as a socio-economic problem. By ignoring
this aspect of it completely, and instead repeatedly terming it the
"greatest national security threat", the government has only added to
that security threat. This is precisely what political scientist Jef
Huysmans calls the "performative function of security labelling".
'Naxal-infested': this description reduces maoists to vermin, and thus allows state killings to be taken as a mere necessity.
In Chhattisgarh, even the Supreme Court's demand for action on the NHRC
recommendations, including compensation and rehabilitation for
displaced villagers and moving security forces out of schools, are
being ignored by a government confident of its own impunity. Schools
and ration shops do not function in the villages, even though a
majority of people have now gone back from the camps and desperately
need these services. In Andhra Pradesh, the internally displaced people
from Chhattisgarh are suffering from Grade III malnutrition. In their
case, there is no lack of area domination. Even if the government
wrests back Maoist territory, the fact that it will work through the
same corrupt, authoritarian police force and the same exploitative
traders who are currently its mainstay will mean that discontent is
bound to revive.
The language of counter-insurgency sees "success" when populations
are controlled, regardless of the human cost. As insurgents get
dehumanised as vermin (as in the phrase "Naxal-infested"), the
civilians get reduced to statistics, enabling displacement and death to
be seen as an administrative necessity, a simple case of "broken eggs",
as a senior government official recently put it, rather than a
fundamental violation of citizens' rights. Besides, since it is mostly
just the ordinary CRPF jawan who dies, the government is happy to
choose a military option rather than dialogue.
The Maoists follow the same dehumanising practices, when they see
nothing morally wrong in killing the security forces. Their language
reeks of blood-sacrifice, their own and others. Their intolerance
towards other groups working in their area and their disregard for the
consequences of their actions on ordinary citizens hardly makes them a
model of alternative democracy.
If Sri Lanka is the current flavour of counter-insurgency, the
government would also be wise to remember the US debacle in Vietnam and
now in Iraq and Afghanistan. And if the Maoists have China as their
model, they must equally think of Peru, where the violence imploded on
the very people they were claiming to represent. Certain wars can never
be won with force, but only with justice and reconciliation, dialogue
not death.
(The author is a professor of sociology at the Delhi School of Economics, Delhi University.)
http://outlookindia.com/article.aspx?262355
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Manoj Padhi
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